Sudan’s once-dominant Islamist movement is quietly preparing for a return to power, and this time, they’re using the war to clear a path.
Senior figures from the former ruling National Congress Party (NCP), toppled in the 2019 uprising, have reappeared as key backers of the Sudanese army in its bloody conflict with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
According to internal documents and interviews with Reuters, the NCP and its Islamist allies have already deployed up to 3,000 fighters and trained more than 70,000 civilians for frontline operations since the war began in April 2023. The Islamist network claims to have helped tip the battlefield in the army’s favour, particularly in key regions like Khartoum and central Sudan.
One of the most prominent voices is Ahmed Haroun, a top Bashir-era official and ICC fugitive wanted for war crimes. Speaking from a secret hideout in northern Sudan, Haroun insisted the movement has no plans to seize power by force, but made clear the Islamists are ready for elections once the dust settles.
“We’ve taken a strategic decision not to return to power except through the ballot box,” Haroun said. “But the army must stay in control until threats to the state are removed. The Western model doesn’t work here.”
The comments mark the clearest signal yet that Sudan’s Islamists are positioning themselves for a political comeback, one that could reshape the outcome of the war and reverse the gains of the 2019 revolution.
Army sources told Reuters that around 5,000 fighters with links to the NCP are currently serving in elite “special forces” units. These operatives have played a major role in helping the military claw back ground from the RSF, particularly in Khartoum.
The Islamist-aligned al-Baraa Ibn Malik brigade has also emerged as a key force, with members reportedly given access to drones, artillery, and light weapons. The group’s commander, Owais Ghanim, says he has been wounded three times and denies allegations of war crimes, which rights groups claim have occurred in areas recaptured by the army.
“We’re not fighting for the Islamists to return to power,” Ghanim told Reuters. “We’re fighting to repel aggression. But after the war, yes, we expect to participate in elections.”
Though the army publicly denies any alliance with political factions, Islamists have begun appearing in government again. Several were appointed to Prime Minister Kamil Idris’s new cabinet last month, including high-level roles in foreign affairs and cabinet affairs.
General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan has insisted he won’t allow the banned NCP to return, but multiple military officials say the army is relying heavily on the Islamist network for fighters, administrators, and funding.
That support may also extend beyond Sudan’s borders. Sources claim long-standing ties with Iran, Qatar, and Turkey are being used to secure weapons and supplies for the military, a move that could further strain relations with Western allies and the United Arab Emirates.
Earlier this year, Sudan cut diplomatic ties with the UAE, accusing it of backing the RSF, an allegation the Emiratis deny.
Sudan’s civil war has already triggered one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, with millions displaced and famine looming. But beneath the chaos, a political realignment is quietly taking shape.
As the army gains ground, Sudan’s Islamists are watching, and waiting. Their fighters are in the field. Their allies are back in power. And if elections come, they may be ready to finish what they started decades ago.
